-소

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Korean

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Etymology

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Ultimately from Middle Korean ᄉᆞᇦ〯 (Yale: -sǒW-, object-honorific suffix), which gradually came to have an addressee-honoring meaning. Compare (-o-), (-op-), from the same suffix and both now with addressee-honoring meaning.

First attested for the imperative mood in the late sixteenth century. It expanded to the declarative and interrogative moods in the eighteenth century. However, it is not clear if the two suffixes are related.[1]

The early imperative suffix was invariably (-so), as in modern Gyeongsang. There are many theories about its etymology, but the most widely accepted one is that it is shortened from Middle Korean ᄉᆞᇦ〯 (Yale: -sǒW-, object-honorific suffix) + ᄋᆞ쇼〮셔〮 (Yale: -òsyósyé, highly deferential imperative suffix):[1]

ᄉᆞᄫᆞ〮쇼셔〮 (Yale: -sòW-ósyòsyé) > ᄉᆞ오〮쇼셔〮 (Yale: -sòw-ósyòsyé) > ᄉᆞ오〮 (Yale: -sòwó) > (Yale: -swo)

For the declarative and interrogative suffixes, there are again many theories:[1]

The form is (-o) after sonorants because Middle Korean ᄉᆞᇦ〯 (Yale: -sǒW-) was ᅀᆞᇦ〯 (Yale: -zǒW-) in such environments, and Middle Korean /z/ was subsequently deleted.

Pronunciation

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Romanizations
Revised Romanization?so
Revised Romanization (translit.)?so
McCune–Reischauer?so
Yale Romanization?so

Suffix

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(-so)

  1. Used in the semi-formal style, a register in which the speaker acknowledges the listener's high status without conceding their own:
    1. Marks the declarative mood.
      오늘 .Oneul nar-i chup-so.It's cold today.
    2. Marks the interrogative mood.
      반발 심했?Banbar-i sim-haet-so?Was the opposition severe?
    3. Marks the imperative mood; the form is 으오 (-euo) in Standard Korean and (-so) in Gyeongsang.
      다음 방정식 .Da'eum bangjeongsig-eul pu-si-o.Solve the following equation.
      대구 . (Gyeongsang dialect)Daegu-ro o-so.Come to Daegu.
  2. (Jeolla dialect) Used in the 허씨요체 style, a general polite speech level used e.g. when addressing one's parents or a stranger on the street, or when talking to a social inferior in formal contexts:[2]
    1. Marks the declarative mood.
      • 2013 February 5, 최동만 [choedongman], “결혼하기까지 [gyeolhonhagikkaji]”, in 한국구비문학대계 [han'gukgubimunhakdaegye]‎[1], 전라남도 장흥군 유치면 [jeollanamdo jangheunggun yuchimyeon]:
        결혼해가지 계속 여그 새끼 , 새끼 인자 도시 보내 우리 할머니 .
        Gyeolhonhaegaji-go gyesok yeogeu-seo saekki-deul na-ko, saekki-deul inja dosi-ro bonae-go uri halmeoni dur-i-man sal-go itso.
        So we got married, kept on living here and had kids, [but] now since our children have moved to the city it's only me and my wife living here.
    2. Marks the interrogative mood.
  3. (Jeolla dialect) Used in the 허소체 style, a speech level denoting emotional intimacy, used e.g. when addressing one's wife or speaking to one's family members:[2]
    1. Marks the imperative mood.
  4. (Hamgyong) Used in the formal polite style:[2]
    1. Marks the declarative mood.
      • 2021 August 22, 한유미 [hanyumi], “남한정착 3개월차 탈북녀들의 황당한 한국생활 계획! 북한사투리 버전 [namhanjeongchak 3gaewolcha talbungnyeodeurui hwangdanghan han'guksaenghwal gyehoek! bukhansaturi beojeon]”, in 중고차는 유미카 [junggochaneun yumika]‎[2], 함경남도 북청군 [hamgyeongnamdo bukcheonggun]:
        언니 한국사람 아이 그러니까 아이 붙인단 .
        Eonni han'guksaram ai-ji anso geureonikka ai buchindan mar-i-ne.
        But you're not from the south so you don't attach it (the -요 suffix) at the end as well.
    2. Marks the interrogative mood.
    3. Marks the imperative mood.
      • 1971, 황봉 [hwangbong], “그물당기는소리날바소리 [geumuldanggineunsori-nalbasori]”, in MBC 한국민요대전 음반자료 사이트 [MBC han'gungminyodaejeon eumbanjaryo saiteu]‎[3], 함경북도 선봉군 (현 라선특별시 선봉구역) 굴포리 [hamgyeongbukdo seonbonggun (hyeon raseonteukbyeolsi seonbongguyeok) gulpori]:
        동무
        yeoboso dongmunim-ne-deul
        Look here, my friends

Usage notes

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(modern usage)

  • The semi-formal style is nowadays not commonly used in South Korea outside written commands, such as test questions or warnings, and literature. It is still popular in North Korea, although young women even there prefer the polite style.
  • In South Korea, it tends to have a dialectal connotation because the decline of the suffix and its related speech levels is less severe outside the Seoul area.
  • Standard Korean speakers are often confused or even offended by dialectal forms such as Hamgyong (-so) or the related Gyeongsang 이소 (-iso, formal polite imperative suffix), because they tend to associate the suffix with a degree of self-assertiveness and hence lack of politeness.

(allomorphy with (-o))

  • After vowels, the liquid consonant (l), and the copula stems, Standard Korean uses the allomorph (-o); in the southern dialects of Gyeongsang and Jeolla, this becomes (-yo) with a semivowel to break hiatus between vowels.
  • However, there are certain differences between these two largely allomorphic forms, especially regarding the imperative mood. In Standard Korean, only (-o) can be used for the imperative; after a consonant, the form 으오 (-euo) is used instead of (-so). Conversely, in Gyeongsang Korean, only (-so) can be used for the imperative, even if the stem ends in a vowel.

(allomorphy with 으오 (-euo))

  • In Standard Korean, (-so) can always be replaced by 으오 (-euo), although it is less common. As mentioned above, however, 으오 (-euo) is obligatory for the imperative.

Alternative forms

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  • (-o), (-u)In Standard Korean, after vowels, (l), and the copulas 이다 (-ida, to be) and 아니다 (anida, to not be)
  • (-yo)In Jeolla and Gyeongsang, after vowels, (l), and the copulas 이다 (-ida, to be) and 아이다 (aida, to not be)
  • 으오 (-euo), 으우 (-euu)alternative Standard Korean forms after consonants
  • 으요 (-euyo)alternative Jeolla form after consonants

Derived terms

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References

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  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 장윤희 [jang'yunhui] (2012) “국어 종결어미의 통시적 변화와 쟁점 [gugeo jonggyeoreomiui tongsijeok byeonhwawa jaengjeom, A general survey of diachronic change of Korean sentence-terminating endings]”, in Gugeosa yeon'gu, volume 14, pages 63—99
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 이기갑 [igigap] (1997) “한국어 방언들 사이의 상대높임법 비교 연구 [han'gugeo bang'eondeul saiui sangdaenopimbeop bigyo yeon'gu, A Comparative Study of Speech Level Systems in Korean Dialects]”, in Eoneohak, volume 21, pages 185—217